TY - GEN
T1 - Listener adjustment of stress cue use to fit language vocabulary structure
AU - Bruggeman, Laurence
AU - Yu, Jenny
AU - Cutler, Anne
PY - 2022
Y1 - 2022
N2 - In lexical stress languages, phonemically identical syllables can differ suprasegmentally (in duration, amplitude, F0). Such stress cues allow listeners to speed spoken-word recognition by rejecting mismatching competitors (e.g., unstressed set- in settee rules out stressed set- in setting, setter, settle). Such processing effects have indeed been observed in Spanish, Dutch and German, but English listeners are known to largely ignore stress cues. Dutch and German listeners even outdo English listeners in distinguishing stressed versus unstressed English syllables. This has been attributed to the relative frequency across the stress languages of unstressed syllables with full vowels; in English most unstressed syllables contain schwa, instead, and stress cues on full vowels are thus least often informative in this language. If only informativeness matters, would English listeners who encounter situations where such cues would pay off for them (e.g., learning one of those other stress languages) then shift to using stress cues? Likewise, would stress cue users with English as L2, if mainly using English, shift away from using the cues in English? Here we report tests of these two questions, with each receiving a yes answer. We propose that English listeners' disregard of stress cues is purely pragmatic.
AB - In lexical stress languages, phonemically identical syllables can differ suprasegmentally (in duration, amplitude, F0). Such stress cues allow listeners to speed spoken-word recognition by rejecting mismatching competitors (e.g., unstressed set- in settee rules out stressed set- in setting, setter, settle). Such processing effects have indeed been observed in Spanish, Dutch and German, but English listeners are known to largely ignore stress cues. Dutch and German listeners even outdo English listeners in distinguishing stressed versus unstressed English syllables. This has been attributed to the relative frequency across the stress languages of unstressed syllables with full vowels; in English most unstressed syllables contain schwa, instead, and stress cues on full vowels are thus least often informative in this language. If only informativeness matters, would English listeners who encounter situations where such cues would pay off for them (e.g., learning one of those other stress languages) then shift to using stress cues? Likewise, would stress cue users with English as L2, if mainly using English, shift away from using the cues in English? Here we report tests of these two questions, with each receiving a yes answer. We propose that English listeners' disregard of stress cues is purely pragmatic.
UR - https://hdl.handle.net/1959.7/uws:68977
UR - https://www.isca-speech.org/archive/pdfs/speechprosody_2022/bruggeman22_speechprosody.pdf
U2 - 10.21437/SpeechProsody.2022-54
DO - 10.21437/SpeechProsody.2022-54
M3 - Conference Paper
SP - 264
EP - 267
BT - Proceedings of the 11th International Conference on Speech Prosody, May 23-26, 2022, Lisbon, Portugal
PB - International Speech Communications Association
T2 - International Conference on Speech Prosody
Y2 - 23 May 2022
ER -